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What’s in Kazakhstan’s Constitutional Referendum? – The Diplomat


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What’s in Kazakhstan’s Constitutional Referendum? – The Diplomat
2022-05-24 16:24:19
#Whats #Kazakhstans #Constitutional #Referendum #Diplomat
Crossroads Asia | Politics | Central Asia

On June 5, Kazakhs will vote on a package of reforms meant to rework the nation from a super-presidential system to a “presidential system with a robust parliament.”

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Six months after Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev called protesters terrorists and requested support from the Russian-backed Collective Security Treaty Group to quell mass unrest, residents will participate in a referendum on constitutional reforms. 

The vote will happen on June 5, just one month after the proposed reforms had been launched. The reform package addresses 33 separate articles – about one third of the total constitutional articles – and was developed by a working group that Tokayev established in March. The reforms are stated to transform Kazakhstan from a super-presidential system to a “presidential system with a strong parliament,” per Tokayev’s state of the union tackle on March 16.

An excellent-presidential system is one the place parliaments and courts are solely nominally unbiased, and the president and their administration have nearly unlimited management over political decision-making. Kazakhstan’s first step to a super-presidential system was the adoption of a new structure in 1995 that was pushed by Nursultan Nazarbayev after dissolving an uncooperative parliament. Nazarbayev additional consolidated his personal powers with constitutional amendments in 1998, 2007, and 2011.

Nazarbayev began to loosen the president’s control with constitutional amendments in 2017 that slightly redistributed presidential powers to different branches of presidency and opened the path for the election of local representatives, at the least on the village stage. Nonetheless, Nazarbayev slyly maintained his personal management over Kazakhstan’s politics by including provisions that protected him as “elbasy,” or chief of the nation.

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The proposed constitutional reforms strip the constitution of mentions of elbasy and the First President of the Republic, which some see as a continued signal of the Nazarbayev household’s fall from grace. 

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Along with sidelining Nazarbayev, a number of proposed provisions would slightly prohibit the ability of the president. The president shouldn't be a member of a political social gathering, which member of the working group Sara Idrysheva referred to as “the bravest step of our esteemed president.” In anticipation of this amendment, Tokayev stepped down as chairman of the Amanat get together – a rebranded model of Nazarbayev’s ruling Nur Otan social gathering – on April 26. Moreover, the president can not override the acts of akims of oblasts, main cities, or the capital and shut members of the family of the president can not hold political posts.

A number of proposed measures give parliament more energy vis-a-vis the president. Kazakhstan’s parliament will stay bicameral, but the distribution of power between the upper and decrease homes will shift somewhat. The Senate will no longer have the facility to make new legal guidelines, and as an alternative will simply approve or reject laws handed by the Mazhilis. Moreover, the process for selecting deputies to each houses will change. 

First, the Mazhilis might be lowered to 98 deputies, following the abolition of 9 seats appointed by the Meeting of the Peoples of Kazakhstan. Those seats will probably be transferred to the Senate, and the Meeting of the Peoples will now only get to appoint 5 deputies. The variety of deputies appointed by the president will be decreased from 15 to 10.

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Second, Mazhilis deputies will be elected based on a mixed system. Seventy % of Mazhilis deputies will probably be chosen by proportional elections, and 30 % can be straight elected.

The only proposed adjustments to the judicial system relate to the reestablishment of the Constitutional Court docket. Kazakhstan had a Constitutional Court docket till the adoption of the 1995 structure, which instituted a weaker constitutional council. The president nonetheless maintains a powerful affect over the Constitutional Court docket’s make-up, however, with the flexibility to pick the court docket’s chairman and four of the judges; parliament chooses the other three.

Tokayev has emphasised the significance of local governance, marked by the first-ever direct election of village akims and plans to introduce three new oblasts that may carry government our bodies nearer to the populations they symbolize. Perhaps essentially the most disappointing aspect of proposed reforms is the lack of significant movement on local representation for residents of Kazakhstan’s largest cities. If the referendum passes, Kazakhstanis will get to vote for akims of oblasts, main cities, and the capital – however, the candidates can have been selected by the president. The right to elect local leadership has been probably the most consistent demands from Almaty residents, and this attempt to create alternative is in the end beauty.

The proposed reforms are vital steps towards real consultant authorities in Kazakhstan; nevertheless, they do not necessarily constitute forward motion. Lots of the amendments are simply reinstating mechanisms of checks on presidential power that beforehand existed, reasonably than materially altering the relationship between state and society, as Tokayev claims.


Quelle: thediplomat.com

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